We discuss four key findings in this section:
- Youth organizing strengthens academic self-efficacy and academic engagement.
- YO alumni developed relationship and networking skills that facilitated their adjustment to college life.
- YO alumni developed self-management and “critical resistant navigational skills” that helped them persevere in culturally incongruent spaces.
- YO alumni used their organizing skills to resist injustice and transform their college communities.
1. Youth organizing strengthens academic self-efficacy and academic engagement.
First-generation students and BIPOC students can experience setbacks in adjusting to the academic and social expectations of college. [23] They often have lower academic self-concept and less tacit knowledge about how to navigate college environments than their peers with college-graduate parents, contributing to lower persistence rates. [24]
In contrast, YO alumni saw their organizing work as a source of important knowledge and skills for handling the demands of college. Several described feeling “advanced” when their courses addressed social movements, colonialism, capitalism, gentrification, local governance, and other topics on which they had direct knowledge through organizing. One junior majoring in sociology described the coursework for his major as “putting an official definition to things I already know.” This sense of expertise empowered students to participate in class discussions and engage more actively in classwork.
Beyond specific content knowledge, alumni also acknowledged how organizing helped them hone analytic and academic skills in college coursework. One young woman explained how preparing Freedom of Information Law requests around police databases taught her the value of painstaking research. Another described learning to carefully support arguments with evidence when presenting demands to public officials, and how she employed those skills in college writing assignments. Others noted that they learned how to employ an intersectional lens or to conduct a power analysis before starting college:
For example, one of the classes I took in the first quarter in college was about this political organization called The Young Lords. We learned about the history of gentrification under the area that the college is in, so it was really interesting because I had already learned about that from organizing outside of school. So being able to analyze the power structures and just knowing from experience how that worked, it helped me engage better in class discussions. Even in things that aren’t related to organizing or social justice - for example, one of the classes that I have been taking as part of my journalism major is Communications - and I feel like those are classes that I’ve been less engaged in. But having those certain analyses from organizing, or critical thinking from organizing, helps make it engaging.
Many alumni noted that college required them to take responsibility for structuring their own time, workload, and extracurricular commitments in ways they hadn’t experienced during high school. Several noted that through organizing, they had experienced reshuffling priorities and responding to last-minute requests to attend important public meetings or take advantage of an opportunity to meet with decision-makers, while still attending to schoolwork. They suggested that the autonomy and responsibility they exercised in their YO group and the flexibility required by organizing served them well as they adjusted to college expectations.
Communication and collaboration were among the skills alumni invoked most often and most consistently in describing how organizing prepared them for college. Youth organizing provides abundant opportunities for “public speaking,” for example, speaking up in small peer groups, meeting directly with elected officials, and speaking in front of hundreds or thousands during public hearings and protests. These experiences helped alumni feel comfortable taking leadership roles in group projects, speaking up in class, and reaching out to professors for help.
Alumni connected the community norms and discussion practices of YO groups with their confident participation in class discussions. YO group staff work hard to establish inclusive, respectful spaces through community agreements and consensus-based decision-making. Community agreements were broadly consistent across the groups in our study. They included norms around assuming good intentions, listening to understand, challenging ideas rather than people, monitoring one’s airtime, and ensuring everyone in the group is ready before closing discussions. Many alumni also had experience door-knocking or canvassing to garner support for YO campaigns, and some had negotiated with school administrators or elected officials. Several described those experiences as helping them hone their skills in understanding perspectives that conflicted with their own and remaining calm in the face of pushback to their ideas. In their college classes, they saw themselves using these skills, and YO norms they had internalized, to contribute meaningfully to discussions, ensure that group projects reflected everyone’s contributions, and approach professors for guidance.
I feel like I mind my business mostly when I’m at school. But somehow, there are certain professors who just like me, and I think it has to do with the way that I interact in the classroom. Because of organizing, I’m really good at facilitating discussions and asking questions and stuff like that. So that’s just how I always act in the classroom, as long as I’m interested or they’re not talking about really problematic things. So I’ve had many experiences where, at the end of the semester, the professor is just like, “I really enjoyed having you in my class.
2. YO alumni developed relationship and networking skills that facilitated their adjustment to college life.
Alumni found the relational and communication skills developed through YO to be useful in adjusting to the social aspects of campus life. Some were worried about finding a community at higher education spaces that could look very different from their home communities. Yet they connected with their professors, developed relationships with mentors, and made friends, consistent with research on schooling models that emphasize critical consciousness. [25]
Several alumni reflected that the public speaking and communication skills developed through campaign work gave them confidence in interactions with professors, college staff, and other adults such as internship advisors and potential employers. They pointed to practice with strategic code-switching when engaging with adult decision-makers, and with “professional” written and in-person communication as part of organizing.
Alumni found themselves to be quite capable of building friendships with peers. They connected the central role of community-building in YO with their ability to build new relationships. Ice-breaker games, canvassing and door-knocking experiences, and the responsibility of older YO leaders to help new members feel welcomed and included, prepared them to strike up conversations with, as one put it, “people who I have nothing in common with, but I still know how to make conversation and I know how to make those connections.” One commuter student, who’d played a leadership role in recruitment for her YO group, noted that she constantly used those skills to meet people on campus, since she didn’t have dorm-mates as built-in friends.
The YO groups in our study made a practice of including pronouns in introductions, appreciating multilingualism, incorporating cultural practices into meetings and activities, and establishing community agreements. Alumni spoke at length about how their organizing experiences had taught them to listen to and value perspectives at odds with their own, appreciate the ways that lived experiences shape values and perspectives, and disagree respectfully and productively. In college, they translated these skills into open- mindedness and curiosity towards their peers. One alumna shared that she had learned to “respect people’s boundaries and different situations... understand each other’s points of view and why we had them,” which she put into practice living with roommates for the first time. Survey responses from YO participants in our study supported the inclusivity and perspective-taking found in organizing:
| In my youth organizing group I ... | Never/Rarely | Sometimes | Often/Always |
| ... learned more about other people who are different from me. | 2% | 10% | 88% |
| ...helped others when they needed it. | 3% | 13% | 84% |
| ...worked with a group or team to solve problems or complete a project. | 1% | 18% | 80% |
| ...worked in groups with other youth whom I had never met. | 6% | 15% | 79% |
| ...helped create plans to complete group goals or projects. | 7% | 20% | 73% |
3. YO alumni developed self-management and “critical resistant navigational skills” that helped them persevere in culturally incongruent spaces.
Alumni attended a range of postsecondary institution types—community colleges, local commuter universities, large state universities far from home, a historically Black university, and small liberal arts colleges in largely White rural and suburban communities. While some attended schools with similar demographics to their home communities or felt at home on highly diverse campuses, others struggled to adjust in predominantly White spaces. Some alumni at majority-BIPOC or highly diverse campuses also felt incongruity between their immersion in activism and the political narratives on campus and in their classes.
For BIPOC youth, cultural congruence is central to their thriving in college. [26] Maintaining connections to their own culture through mentors, cultural enclaves, classes that value their cultural assets, and maintaining a strong sense of collective purpose can buffer BIPOC students from racially hostile campus climates and stereotype threat. [27] Yosso et al. [28] describe how Latinx students, in the face of microaggressions, deploy “critical resistant navigational skills” [29] to cope with racial and cultural stress and build social and academic counterspaces that value their cultural identities and knowledge as a source of resilience and expertise. These navigational skills help students develop a critical analysis of their college experiences, set high aspirations, and connect their own education to community justice and transformation.
YO alumni developed critical analyses of the ways in which their institutions failed to meet their needs. They critiqued the ways their schools’ responses to the COVID pandemic ignored the realities of low-income and first-generation students. Institutions assumed that students could easily borrow more to cover the cost of improved internet service for remote learning, or that students quarantined at home, sharing devices and providing childcare for younger siblings, would have unlimited time for group projects. One alumnus pointed out that the absence of faculty of color at his large public university limited the depth of classroom discussions of race. Another shared a nuanced reflection on the ways that the uncritical emphasis on objectivity in her journalism classes conflicted with her vision of investigative reporting as lifting up voices that have been neglected and advancing justice for her community.
While research illustrates how hostile racial climates can lead BIPOC students to experience racial stress, [30] alumni brought with them strategies for actively managing these stresses. They used self-regulation skills developed through organizing to prioritize resilience, self-care and mental health, and sought counterspaces through ongoing relationships with their YO group, culturally congruent courses, and extracurricular organizations.
Resilience, self-care, and mental health
Organizing as a strategy to change policy requires immense patience and perseverance. Campaigns often extend beyond the high school careers of individual participants. The leaders who do the most to advance education justice campaigns often graduate before they can reap the benefits of their success. Success is often piecemeal and partial, with frequent setbacks and disappointments. YO participants credited their organizing experiences with helping them learn to anticipate and persevere through challenges, and to expect progress to be slow and halting. They explained that they were motivated to persist in organizing because the work was meaningful to them and their communities.
YO groups emphasize the importance of celebrating even small victories and practicing self-care to sustain energy. During our study, several of our partner organizations were engaged in campaigns to improve access to mental health care in public schools. YO staff worked to normalize talking about and seeking support for mental health, and connected members with culturally responsive mental health services as needed. Alumni remained conscious of their stress levels and prioritized self-care, social activities, and time away from schoolwork. One shared that remembering conversations about mental health during his YO work inspired him to take a break from college and, upon his return, to seek therapy. One alumna reflected that she had set goals for herself in her second semester of college to strike a better balance with her schoolwork, noting the inspiration she drew from her YO experiences:
I've seen how dedicated the people at Make the Road are and being able to juggle family life. Because a lot of them do have families that they come back to, but they’re able to manage that stress, and still come with a smile on their face and welcome me like a family. I feel like it’s one of the things that I’ve wanted to emulate.
Finding and building counterspaces
YO participants nearly universally described their YO groups as a source of belonging, acceptance, and emotional support. Alumni described their YO groups as counterspaces that affirmed their racial, gender, and other identities, connected them to their communities, and fostered mutual support. They experienced high levels of support and trust from peers and adults. They often referenced how their group “had their back” and viewed the community and collective identity built through organizing as an important source of resilience. Jagers et al. note the central role of belonging and connectedness in development and propose that transformative belonging goes beyond recognition and affirmation to “full involvement in meaning-making and the building of relationships and institutions.” [31] As described above, YO participants felt real ownership of their YO groups and collective responsibility for maintaining norms and relationships. In surveys, more than 90% reported that they often or always felt part of a community and felt supported by other youth in the organization.
In surveys, YO participants reported experiencing high levels of support, affirmation, and expectation from adults and peers in their organizations—higher than rates reported by participants in more traditional youth development programs. [32]
| Support, Affirmation, and Expectation from Adults | |
| Percent of YO participants who selected 4 or 5 on a
scale of 1 (definitely not) to 5 (definitely yes) |
|
| The adults in my YO group … | |
| ...expected that I could succeed. | 97% |
| ...made me feel safe and supported. | 95% |
| ...encouraged me to speak up. | 92% |
| ... listened to me. | 94% |
| ... let me know that I had something important to offer to the group. | 91% |
| ...pushed me to work through hard problems. | 88% |
| ...encouraged me to learn from other youth in this program. | 93% |
| ...understand the community I live in. | 92% |
| ...have a good relationship with the community. | 93% |
| Inclusion | |||
| In my youth organizing group I … | Never/Rarely | Sometimes | Often/Always |
| ...felt that I was part of a team or community. | 3% | 7% | 90% |
| ...felt safe and supported by other youth in the program. | 2% | 9% | 89% |
| ...helped set group goals. | 8% | 19% | 73% |
| ...met a role model (someone I could look up to and relate to). | 7% | 20% | 73% |
| ...found out more about my identities (who I am). | 10% | 25% | 65% |
YO alumni continued to draw on their connections to their YO groups as they transitioned to college. Nearly all alumni stayed in some form of contact with staff or members of their YO groups. Most connected with alumni and current members over social media, and some checked in periodically with staff or visited when they were home for school breaks. A few took paid internships or jobs during the summer, training younger students or leading special projects. Alumni often reached out to YO staff for moral support and advice, knowing that many staff themselves were recent college graduates. They turned to fellow YO participants to help them process stressful experiences. One reflected,
After high school, it was kind of like all my friends parted ways, but my friends from the org were really there for me and they were just my people. I didn’t have to explain anything to them. They just understood when it comes to systemic racism and the different issues that are happening all over the world. Like I didn’t have to explain my anguish or pain, they just understood. And when I’m around them, I could just be free to be me.
Many alumni sought out similarly affirming counterspaces on campus, in particular ethnic organizations, which provide cultural validation and support campus adjustment and belonging for BIPOC students. [33] Alumni named Latinx student organizations, a campus chapter of the NAACP, an organization advocating for Dreamers, and a womanist collective groups as organizations with which they were active. (Other alumni, who were in their first year, had planned to join similar organizations in their spring semester but were stymied by the Covid pandemic). A student who was in the process of rushing a Black sorority shared:
Going to a primarily White institution, I definitely knew there wasn’t going to be much of a Black community. And at first I felt a little, I guess, out of place just because I didn’t mind having friends of different origins or whatever. I really didn’t really care. But sometimes I want, like, a Black sisterhood, in a way. And so definitely those types of organizations appealed to me just because they also were really involved with community service and philanthropy and like the things that they were doing were calling to me.
Similarly, the alumna who switched her major from computer science to Latin/Caribbean studies reflected on how an ethnic students organization helped her build a community:
I started getting involved more towards the end of my spring semester. I started going to this club called MASA, Mexican American Student Association. That’s really like the biggest Latino club there. So I started going. They do more fun activities, but it’s fun to meet people who are also from my community because it was really hard getting to meet those people there on campus, because it’s such a big campus...I also went to a couple of the Latin American women’s organization clubs. They had like a poetry night and it was really cool seeing people and their art. I’m starting to get more involved now because I also know my people now.
A number of alumni sought out student organizations to continue their activist work and find peers who shared their critical analysis and politics, including student government, debate club, a Progressive Student Union, an anti-militarist group, and an environmental justice group.
Alumni also sought out academic counterspaces by carefully selecting courses that were more likely to be culturally congruent, or where their critical social analysis would be more welcome. Several planned to major in ethnic studies, women’s studies, or political science. Many took at least some ethnic studies courses, women’s studies, queer studies courses, and courses related to politics and civic engagement. They built relationships with faculty who appreciated their organizing work and kept abreast of key campaigns. One alumna enrolled in an honors program focused on designing social action projects, where many of her peers had similar organizing and activism backgrounds.
Another alumna had planned to major in computer science like her brother, until she found herself much more willing to forge her own path and put in the work to excel in her Latino studies course rather than her math courses:
My seminar peer instructor, I talked to her because I wanted to do Latino and Caribbean studies, but I also wanted to make sure that I had an opportunity to find a job. I was like, “What is there that I can do to help my community?” ... And so I started thinking about whenever we were doing activism work here at Make The Road, that’s what I really liked. So I was like, I think I’m going to do political science and try to help from the inside. So that’s how I ultimately decided on political science and Latino/Caribbean studies.
Other alumni went a step further than choosing culturally congruent classes and majors by attending racially and culturally affirming academic spaces such as HBCUs, HSIs, and other predominantly BIPOC institutions.
4. YO alumni used their organizing skills to resist injustice and transform their college communities.
Transformative SEL aims to prepare young people for a form of citizenship in which they act on institutions and systems to make them more just and equitable—to “do more than survive,” in the words of Bettina Love. [34] Jagers et al. connect transformative SEL to Solórzano and Delgado-Bernal’s [35] articulation of “transformational resistance,” in which acts of resistance are rooted in a critical analysis of oppression and motivated by social justice. The alumni we interviewed were deeply committed to pursuing justice for their communities and for marginalized communities broadly and had a strong sense of their own efficacy to create sociopolitical change.
Consistent with other research on youth organizing participants, [36] alumni in our study often connected their selection of academic programs and future aspirations to their organizing experiences. Many were exploring or had committed to public service or youth-serving majors like teaching, social work, counseling, and law; others were pursuing ethnic studies, women’s studies, and sociology majors. Several alumni planned to influence through elected office, advocacy, or organizing. Others connected their career interests—for example, public relations or journalism—to specific experiences with public speaking, social media messaging, or research during youth organizing campaigns. They often rooted these aspirations in a commitment to continue pursuing social justice for their communities and transforming unjust systems.
Alumni pursued many avenues for organizing on campus. The ethnic student organizations that many alumni joined often engage in community service and advocacy projects. One alumnus joined his community college’s student government and developed a project to inform students about their Title IX rights concerning gender and sexuality discrimination. He reached out to Title IX coordinators he met at a conference, invited them to campus to speak, and met with administrators to advocate for changes to Title IX procedures, using skills he attributed to his high school organizing experiences. At the time of his interview, he was preparing to transfer to a four-year college, where he planned to expand his advocacy.
Even within activist spaces, alumni drew on their critical social analysis and organizing skills to critique practices and hold organizations accountable to the needs of BIPOC students. One alumna at a selective public university reflected on her experiences being the first or one of a few first-generation Latinas in many spaces she frequented on campus. She credited her organizing experience with teaching her to calmly and assertively stand up for herself and explain why, for example, an end-of-year party on a yacht would not be accessible to all students. At the time of her last interview, she was leading a campaign, with other Black and Latinx students, to diversify the leadership of an organization for recipients of a scholarship. With advice from her mentor at her YO group, the students developed and revised a written proposal and demanded a series of meetings with the organization’s leadership.
Another alumna at a small, predominantly White liberal arts college described her experiences joining a feminist group on campus. After reorganizing and renaming the group, more women of color began to attend, and they planned teach-ins about organizing and civil disobedience. She reflected that after a challenging and alienating first year, using her organizing skills to transform the work of the collective had given her presence on campus a purpose:
So this past year, I have been a facilitator at this house called the Womanist Space, which was formerly known as the Feminist Space. [An older student] told me about her experiences of being at the Feminist Space and how difficult it was to be a woman of color explaining to White women - because like the majority of women that show up are White - kind of explaining the struggles of women of color. And they kind of would just stare at her and not know how to respond. And she just felt like she was pretty much being drained. We have very similar beliefs in feminism and how problematic that whole movement has been... [The four students who live in the house] all agreed to change it to the Womanist Space to model it after Alice Walker, who coined the term womanism.
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Footnotes
[23] I. S. Pratt, H. B. Harwood, J. T. Cavazos, & C. P. Ditzfield, “Should I stay or should I go? Retention in first-generation college students,” Journal of College Student Retention: Research, Theory and Practice, 21, n. 1 (2019): 105-118; S. R. Harper, E. J. Smith, & C. H. Davis III, “A critical race case analysis of Black undergraduate student success at an urban university,” Urban Education, 53, n. 1 (2018): 3-25.
[24] R. Dryden, R. Perry, J. M. Hamm, & J. G. Chipperfield, “An attribution-based motivation treatment to assist first-generation college students reframe academic setbacks,” Contemporary Educational Psychology, 64, n. 7 (2020).
[25] S. Seider & D. Graves. Schooling for critical consciousness: Engaging Black and Latinx youth in analyzing, navigating and challenging racial injustice (Cambridge: Harvard Education Press, 2020).
[26] S. Kolluri & W. G. Tierney, “Understanding college readiness: The limits of information and the possibilities of cultural integrity,” Educational Forum, 84, n. 1 (2020): 80-93.
[27] G. D. Kuh & P. G. Love, “A cultural perspective on student departure,” in Braxton, J. (Ed.), Reworking the student departure puzzle: New theory and research on college student retention, p. 196-212 (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2000); Museus & Quay, 2009).
[28] Yosso, et al., 2009.
[29] D. Solórzano & O. Villalpando, “Critical race theory: Marginality and the experiences of students of color in higher education, in C. Torres & T. Mitchell (Eds.), Sociology of education: Emerging Perspectives, p. 211-224 (Albany, NY: State University of NY Press, 1998. p. 217).
[30] J. D. Franklin, “Coping with racial battle fatigue: Differences and similarities for African American and Mexican American college students,” Race, Ethnicity and Education, 22, n. 5 (2019): 589-609.
[31] Jagers, et al., 2019, p. 171.
[32] K. Sabo-Flores, Transforming positive youth development: A case for youth organizing (Funders’ Collaborative on Youth Organizing, 2020).
[33] K. P. Gonzalez, “Campus culture and the experiences of Chicano students in a predominantly White university,” Urban Education, 37 (2003): 193-218; S. D. Museus, “The role of ethnic student organizations in fostering African American and Asian American students’ cultural adjustment and membership at predominantly white institutions,” Journal of College Student Development, 49, n. 6 (2008): 568-586.
[34] B. Love, We want to do more than survive: abolitionist teaching and the pursuit of educational freedom (New York: Beacon Press, 2019).
[35] Solórzano & Delgado-Bernal, 2003.
[36] Conner, 2011.
